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1999, had focus on political and civil rights, while social rights were “left off the table during negotiations” (Cocozzelli, 2006, p. 1).
Nevertheless, it would be difficult to envision successful peace building without some input to the process from the side of social policy. As discussed hitherto, the aim of the post-conflict peace building is to establish positive peace by dealing with the root causes of the conflict and with that to promote justice and inclusion. As Cocozelli notes (2006, p.14) “social policy lays a normative and economic foundation for post-conflict reconstruction” where all stakeholders”who are engaged in post-conflict reconstruction need to pay careful attention to social policy in order to design programs that contribute to long-term success”.
In other words, social policy, if put on the agenda and conducted systematically, has the capacity to deal with the central questions of the post-war society. Being broad and inclusive it can provide benefits to the population as a whole assuring their basic immediate needs. It can also create preconditions for long term reform and legitimize the state giving it a caring image. Finally it can make armed fighting more costly and less attractive for the population.
However, it is questionable if the post-conflict states can provide generous welfare programs for their citizens, especially if they are not engaged in building a welfare state. While the academic research may be clear regarding the benefits of the social policies, the inertia of neoliberal state-building may be too big to overcome.

The pre-war period of Kosovo's history is marked by exclusion of the population of Kosovo from public life. Bekaj (2010) emphasizes that after the nullification of the autonomy in the 1980-ties “more than 100,000 Kosovar Albanians are expelled from their jobs, while university and most secondary schools are closed to Kosovar Albanian students. In effect, Kosovo enters into an apartheid system.” (p. 43). Cocozzelli (2006, p.15) makes a similar point that “Kosovo Albanians were denied their full rights of participation.” The status28 of post-war Kosovo in 1999 was regulated by a resolution from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) no. 1244. The resolution put Kosovo under the jurisdiction of international organizations: “The UN High Representative was to be the de facto ruler of the province with the power to remove elected representatives, curtail institutions and close down media organizations, with no right of appeal.” (Chandler quoted 

28 The statehood of Kosovo is disputed by many countries including Serbia, some EU member states such as Spain and Slovakia, as well as Russia and China who are UNSC members.

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