Call for papers vol 9, no. 1, 2018 is open until 30 March 2018


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in Latif, 2005, p. 250). The newly established administration made possible for return of Albanian refugees and fast integration of Albanians in public life. However, the backside of this process is the isolation and exclusion of minorities from the mainstream of the new social order. This is manifested the most within the Serbian communities still existing in Kosovo. Additional problems were created with the resettlement of refugees and displaced persons. While the war resulted with a huge wave of ethnic Albanian refugees, termination of hostilities resulted in Serbian and other minorities fleeing the province with the Yugoslav soldiers “fearing revenge attacks and retaliation” (Latif, 2005, p. 273). Their return has been slowed because of “lack of freedom of movement, discrimination to access housing and land, employment opportunities, availability of public services for minorities especially health and education and the hostile attitudes of the receiving communities” (International Crisis Group as quoted in Latif, 2005, p. 274). Also the question of Serbian refugees was part of a political struggle between Kosovo and Serbian authorities where the “Serbian  overnment encourages and manipulates the Kosovo Serbs to return for its own political objectives in Kosovo.” Simultaneously, “… Kosovo Albanians are not so keen on minority refugee returns for the opposite reasons.” (Latif, 2005, p. 273). Overall, there is lack of evidence that there are active policies to overcome this condition. The international community carried out reforms in Kosovo, including reforms in the government, the police and the military, and the judicial system. The international mission to Kosovo also put forward the economic model for the province – a market economy, a condition that is written in the provisions of the constitution and that local leaders had no choice but to accept (Pugh, 2004, p. 57). This effectively excluded the local stakeholder from the decision making process. Shortly after, the economic reforms were swiftly under way. Kosovo Trust Agency was formed in 2003 in order to manage the socially owned companies. This was soon followed by a plan to sell 500 socially owned companies despite protest from the worker's unions and the Serbian Government and reforms that made the local economy friendly to foreign investments (Pugh, 2004, p. 57). However, the reforms are not successful as they fail to make up for the lost industrial employment. The labor force is distributed among small and medium retail companies, agriculture and international organizations. As Pugh (2004, p. 58) concludes, “as in Bosnia, de-industrialization without alternative sources of employment not only makes crime pay, but has encouraged youth to escape abroad, leading to depletion of future skill and talent”. The reforms also created problems where there have been none before the war. For example, the appropriation of Trepca mining complex by NATO's Kosovo Force left the Serbian community without its major employment source in effect excluding part of the population from active economic life (Pugh 2004, p. 57).

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